LITERASI BAHASA INGGRIS 9

Where would this information most likely be posted?

According to the information, which can be performed at 1 o'clock in the morning?

What can be inferred from the information?

In parts of South America, vitamin-A deficiency is a serious health problem, especially among children. In one region, agriculturists are attempting to improve nutrition by encouraging farmers to planta new variety of sweet potato called SPKOO4 that is rich in betacarotene, which the bodyconverts into vitaminA. The plan has good chances of success, since sweet potato is a staple of the region's diet and agriculture, and the varieties currently grown contain little beta-carotene.

Which of the following, if true, most strongly supports the prediction that the plan will succeed?

Community activist :

If Morganville wants to keep its central shopping district healthy, it should prevent the opening of a huge SaveAll discount department store on the outskirts of Morganville. Records from other small towns show that whenever SaveAll has opened a store outside the central shopping district of a small town, within five years the town has experienced the bankruptcies of more than a quarter of the stores in theshopping district.

The answer to which of the following would be most useful for evaluating the community activist's reasoning?

Passage 1

The evils of the employment of pauper nurses is dwelt upon by all who have considered the subject of workhouse management. When we consider the persons to whom such extensive power and responsibility are entrusted, in the care of 50,000 sick persons in the London workhouses alone, we can hardly wonder at what is told of the results of the system. The only way in which an employment of the inmates could be successfully carried out, would be under the constant supervision of superior persons; but in the present system, that is an impossibility. Efficient nurses, who could gain a living in any of our hospitals, would not be likely to offer themselves for a post in which it is nearly all work of the hardest kind, and no pay. One of these pauper nurses boldly stated that she had been sixteen times in the House of Correction, and she was not ashamed of it. Of course such labor is cheap, and it Is desirable, if possible, to employ those who must be maintained at the cost of the parish; but in no case should they be left with the sole charge and responsibility of sick wards, as they continually are at present, without any other control than the occasional visit of the matron, bestowed at the utmost once a day, in some cases only once a week.           

Seeing how careful boards of guardians are In all matters of expense, it would have been well if the recommendation of the poor law with regard to the employment of at least one paid nurse had been a law; as it is, many workhouses are without one, That such a person would always be all we could desire for so important a post we could hardly hope, from what we know of the paid nurses in hospitals, but at any rate there would be a better chance of efficiency and character than in the present plan.

Passage 2

But on the 18th of May, 1865, a Lady Superintendent who had received a thorough training at Kaiserswerth and St. Thomas's, twelve Nightingale nurses from St. Thomas's, eighteen probationers, and fifty-two of the old pauper nurses were placed in charge of the patients in the male wards of the Workhouse Infirmary.

With the exception of the failure of the nurses taken from the pauper class, the first year's trial was sufficiently successful to induce a continuance of the experiment. It was impossible, however, to judge the result by statistics. None that were available could be considered as an evidence of  success or failure, for several reasons. The season was very unhealthy, and to relieve the pressure on the space and resources of the hospital, steps were taken to treat slight cases outside.

The endeavor to limit the admissions to serious cases would of course affect the returns, both as regards the time taken in curing, and the proportion of deaths. Even had there been no exceptional disturbing element, there is a defect in the statistics of workhouse hospitals which affects all inferences from them, in the absence of any careful classified list of cases kept by the medical officers, such as might fairly enable one to form a judgment from mere statistical tables. These, then, are not reliable as means of judgment, unless extending over a long period. The character of seasons, and nature of cases admitted, varies so much from year to year as to invalidate any deductions, unless founded on minutely kept medical records. The following extracts, however, from the reports of the Governor, and the surgical and medical officers of the Workhouse, bear decisive witness to the value of the "new system,” especially as contrasted with the "old system,” which in 1865-66 still prevailed in the female wards. All these reports bear emphatic testimony to the merits and devotion  of the Lady Superitendent and her staff. The medical men it is noteworthy, speak strongly of the better discipline and far greater obedience to their orders observable where the trained nurses are employed-a point the more important because it is that on which, before experience has reassured them, medical and other authorities have often been most doubtful.

The primary purpose of Passage 1 is to ...

Passage 1

The evils of the employment of pauper nurses is dwelt upon by all who have considered the subject of workhouse management. When we consider the persons to whom such extensive power and responsibility are entrusted, in the care of 50,000 sick persons in the London workhouses alone, we can hardly wonder at what is told of the results of the system. The only way in which an employment of the inmates could be successfully carried out, would be under the constant supervision of superior persons; but in the present system, that is an impossibility. Efficient nurses, who could gain a living in any of our hospitals, would not be likely to offer themselves for a post in which it is nearly all work of the hardest kind, and no pay. One of these pauper nurses boldly stated that she had been sixteen times in the House of Correction, and she was not ashamed of it. Of course such labor is cheap, and it Is desirable, if possible, to employ those who must be maintained at the cost of the parish; but in no case should they be left with the sole charge and responsibility of sick wards, as they continually are at present, without any other control than the occasional visit of the matron, bestowed at the utmost once a day, in some cases only once a week.           

Seeing how careful boards of guardians are In all matters of expense, it would have been well if the recommendation of the poor law with regard to the employment of at least one paid nurse had been a law; as it is, many workhouses are without one, That such a person would always be all we could desire for so important a post we could hardly hope, from what we know of the paid nurses in hospitals, but at any rate there would be a better chance of efficiency and character than in the present plan.

Passage 2

But on the 18th of May, 1865, a Lady Superintendent who had received a thorough training at Kaiserswerth and St. Thomas's, twelve Nightingale nurses from St. Thomas's, eighteen probationers, and fifty-two of the old pauper nurses were placed in charge of the patients in the male wards of the Workhouse Infirmary.

With the exception of the failure of the nurses taken from the pauper class, the first year's trial was sufficiently successful to induce a continuance of the experiment. It was impossible, however, to judge the result by statistics. None that were available could be considered as an evidence of  success or failure, for several reasons. The season was very unhealthy, and to relieve the pressure on the space and resources of the hospital, steps were taken to treat slight cases outside.

The endeavor to limit the admissions to serious cases would of course affect the returns, both as regards the time taken in curing, and the proportion of deaths. Even had there been no exceptional disturbing element, there is a defect in the statistics of workhouse hospitals which affects all inferences from them, in the absence of any careful classified list of cases kept by the medical officers, such as might fairly enable one to form a judgment from mere statistical tables. These, then, are not reliable as means of judgment, unless extending over a long period. The character of seasons, and nature of cases admitted, varies so much from year to year as to invalidate any deductions, unless founded on minutely kept medical records. The following extracts, however, from the reports of the Governor, and the surgical and medical officers of the Workhouse, bear decisive witness to the value of the "new system,” especially as contrasted with the "old system,” which in 1865-66 still prevailed in the female wards. All these reports bear emphatic testimony to the merits and devotion  of the Lady Superitendent and her staff. The medical men it is noteworthy, speak strongly of the better discipline and far greater obedience to their orders observable where the trained nurses are employed-a point the more important because it is that on which, before experience has reassured them, medical and other authorities have often been most doubtful.

Which choice provides the best evidence for the answer to the previous question?

Passage 1

The evils of the employment of pauper nurses is dwelt upon by all who have considered the subject of workhouse management. When we consider the persons to whom such extensive power and responsibility are entrusted, in the care of 50,000 sick persons in the London workhouses alone, we can hardly wonder at what is told of the results of the system. The only way in which an employment of the inmates could be successfully carried out, would be under the constant supervision of superior persons; but in the present system, that is an impossibility. Efficient nurses, who could gain a living in any of our hospitals, would not be likely to offer themselves for a post in which it is nearly all work of the hardest kind, and no pay. One of these pauper nurses boldly stated that she had been sixteen times in the House of Correction, and she was not ashamed of it. Of course such labor is cheap, and it Is desirable, if possible, to employ those who must be maintained at the cost of the parish; but in no case should they be left with the sole charge and responsibility of sick wards, as they continually are at present, without any other control than the occasional visit of the matron, bestowed at the utmost once a day, in some cases only once a week.           

Seeing how careful boards of guardians are In all matters of expense, it would have been well if the recommendation of the poor law with regard to the employment of at least one paid nurse had been a law; as it is, many workhouses are without one, That such a person would always be all we could desire for so important a post we could hardly hope, from what we know of the paid nurses in hospitals, but at any rate there would be a better chance of efficiency and character than in the present plan.

Passage 2

But on the 18th of May, 1865, a Lady Superintendent who had received a thorough training at Kaiserswerth and St. Thomas's, twelve Nightingale nurses from St. Thomas's, eighteen probationers, and fifty-two of the old pauper nurses were placed in charge of the patients in the male wards of the Workhouse Infirmary.

With the exception of the failure of the nurses taken from the pauper class, the first year's trial was sufficiently successful to induce a continuance of the experiment. It was impossible, however, to judge the result by statistics. None that were available could be considered as an evidence of  success or failure, for several reasons. The season was very unhealthy, and to relieve the pressure on the space and resources of the hospital, steps were taken to treat slight cases outside.

The endeavor to limit the admissions to serious cases would of course affect the returns, both as regards the time taken in curing, and the proportion of deaths. Even had there been no exceptional disturbing element, there is a defect in the statistics of workhouse hospitals which affects all inferences from them, in the absence of any careful classified list of cases kept by the medical officers, such as might fairly enable one to form a judgment from mere statistical tables. These, then, are not reliable as means of judgment, unless extending over a long period. The character of seasons, and nature of cases admitted, varies so much from year to year as to invalidate any deductions, unless founded on minutely kept medical records. The following extracts, however, from the reports of the Governor, and the surgical and medical officers of the Workhouse, bear decisive witness to the value of the "new system,” especially as contrasted with the "old system,” which in 1865-66 still prevailed in the female wards. All these reports bear emphatic testimony to the merits and devotion  of the Lady Superitendent and her staff. The medical men it is noteworthy, speak strongly of the better discipline and far greater obedience to their orders observable where the trained nurses are employed-a point the more important because it is that on which, before experience has reassured them, medical and other authorities have often been most doubtful.

As used in passage 1 paragraph 1, maintained" most nearly means ..

Passage 1

The evils of the employment of pauper nurses is dwelt upon by all who have considered the subject of workhouse management. When we consider the persons to whom such extensive power and responsibility are entrusted, in the care of 50,000 sick persons in the London workhouses alone, we can hardly wonder at what is told of the results of the system. The only way in which an employment of the inmates could be successfully carried out, would be under the constant supervision of superior persons; but in the present system, that is an impossibility. Efficient nurses, who could gain a living in any of our hospitals, would not be likely to offer themselves for a post in which it is nearly all work of the hardest kind, and no pay. One of these pauper nurses boldly stated that she had been sixteen times in the House of Correction, and she was not ashamed of it. Of course such labor is cheap, and it Is desirable, if possible, to employ those who must be maintained at the cost of the parish; but in no case should they be left with the sole charge and responsibility of sick wards, as they continually are at present, without any other control than the occasional visit of the matron, bestowed at the utmost once a day, in some cases only once a week.           

Seeing how careful boards of guardians are In all matters of expense, it would have been well if the recommendation of the poor law with regard to the employment of at least one paid nurse had been a law; as it is, many workhouses are without one, That such a person would always be all we could desire for so important a post we could hardly hope, from what we know of the paid nurses in hospitals, but at any rate there would be a better chance of efficiency and character than in the present plan.

Passage 2

But on the 18th of May, 1865, a Lady Superintendent who had received a thorough training at Kaiserswerth and St. Thomas's, twelve Nightingale nurses from St. Thomas's, eighteen probationers, and fifty-two of the old pauper nurses were placed in charge of the patients in the male wards of the Workhouse Infirmary.

With the exception of the failure of the nurses taken from the pauper class, the first year's trial was sufficiently successful to induce a continuance of the experiment. It was impossible, however, to judge the result by statistics. None that were available could be considered as an evidence of  success or failure, for several reasons. The season was very unhealthy, and to relieve the pressure on the space and resources of the hospital, steps were taken to treat slight cases outside.

The endeavor to limit the admissions to serious cases would of course affect the returns, both as regards the time taken in curing, and the proportion of deaths. Even had there been no exceptional disturbing element, there is a defect in the statistics of workhouse hospitals which affects all inferences from them, in the absence of any careful classified list of cases kept by the medical officers, such as might fairly enable one to form a judgment from mere statistical tables. These, then, are not reliable as means of judgment, unless extending over a long period. The character of seasons, and nature of cases admitted, varies so much from year to year as to invalidate any deductions, unless founded on minutely kept medical records. The following extracts, however, from the reports of the Governor, and the surgical and medical officers of the Workhouse, bear decisive witness to the value of the "new system,” especially as contrasted with the "old system,” which in 1865-66 still prevailed in the female wards. All these reports bear emphatic testimony to the merits and devotion  of the Lady Superitendent and her staff. The medical men it is noteworthy, speak strongly of the better discipline and far greater obedience to their orders observable where the trained nurses are employed-a point the more important because it is that on which, before experience has reassured them, medical and other authorities have often been most doubtful.

As used in passage 2 paragraph 3, the phrase "character of seasons" most nearly means ...

Passage 1

The evils of the employment of pauper nurses is dwelt upon by all who have considered the subject of workhouse management. When we consider the persons to whom such extensive power and responsibility are entrusted, in the care of 50,000 sick persons in the London workhouses alone, we can hardly wonder at what is told of the results of the system. The only way in which an employment of the inmates could be successfully carried out, would be under the constant supervision of superior persons; but in the present system, that is an impossibility. Efficient nurses, who could gain a living in any of our hospitals, would not be likely to offer themselves for a post in which it is nearly all work of the hardest kind, and no pay. One of these pauper nurses boldly stated that she had been sixteen times in the House of Correction, and she was not ashamed of it. Of course such labor is cheap, and it Is desirable, if possible, to employ those who must be maintained at the cost of the parish; but in no case should they be left with the sole charge and responsibility of sick wards, as they continually are at present, without any other control than the occasional visit of the matron, bestowed at the utmost once a day, in some cases only once a week.           

Seeing how careful boards of guardians are In all matters of expense, it would have been well if the recommendation of the poor law with regard to the employment of at least one paid nurse had been a law; as it is, many workhouses are without one, That such a person would always be all we could desire for so important a post we could hardly hope, from what we know of the paid nurses in hospitals, but at any rate there would be a better chance of efficiency and character than in the present plan.

Passage 2

But on the 18th of May, 1865, a Lady Superintendent who had received a thorough training at Kaiserswerth and St. Thomas's, twelve Nightingale nurses from St. Thomas's, eighteen probationers, and fifty-two of the old pauper nurses were placed in charge of the patients in the male wards of the Workhouse Infirmary.

With the exception of the failure of the nurses taken from the pauper class, the first year's trial was sufficiently successful to induce a continuance of the experiment. It was impossible, however, to judge the result by statistics. None that were available could be considered as an evidence of  success or failure, for several reasons. The season was very unhealthy, and to relieve the pressure on the space and resources of the hospital, steps were taken to treat slight cases outside.

The endeavor to limit the admissions to serious cases would of course affect the returns, both as regards the time taken in curing, and the proportion of deaths. Even had there been no exceptional disturbing element, there is a defect in the statistics of workhouse hospitals which affects all inferences from them, in the absence of any careful classified list of cases kept by the medical officers, such as might fairly enable one to form a judgment from mere statistical tables. These, then, are not reliable as means of judgment, unless extending over a long period. The character of seasons, and nature of cases admitted, varies so much from year to year as to invalidate any deductions, unless founded on minutely kept medical records. The following extracts, however, from the reports of the Governor, and the surgical and medical officers of the Workhouse, bear decisive witness to the value of the "new system,” especially as contrasted with the "old system,” which in 1865-66 still prevailed in the female wards. All these reports bear emphatic testimony to the merits and devotion  of the Lady Superitendent and her staff. The medical men it is noteworthy, speak strongly of the better discipline and far greater obedience to their orders observable where the trained nurses are employed-a point the more important because it is that on which, before experience has reassured them, medical and other authorities have often been most doubtful.

The author of Passage 1 would most likely respond to the phrase in paragraph 2 (“With the exception...class") of Passage 2 by ...

Extinction is a process that can depend on a variety of ecological, geographical, and physiological variables. These variables affect different species of organisms in different ways, and should, therefore, yield a random pattern of extinctions. However, the fossil record shows that extinction occurs in a surprisingly definite pattern, with many species vanishing at the same time.

Which of the following, if true, forms the best basis for at leasta partial explanation of the patterned extinctions revealed by the fossil record?

Large national budget deficits do not cause large trade deficits. If they did, countries with the largest budget deficits would also have the largest trade deficits. In fact, when deficit figures are adjusted so that different countries are reliably comparable to each other, there is no such correlation.

If the statements above are all true, which of the following can properly be inferred on the basis of them?

In a 1918 editorial, W. E. B. Du Bois advised African Americans to stop agitating for equality and to proclaim their solidarity with White Americans for the duration of the First World War. The editorial surprised many African Americans who viewed Du Bois as an uncompromising African American leader and a chief opponent of the accommodationist tactics urged by Booker T. Washington. In fact, however, Du Bois often shifted positions along the continuum between Washington and confrontationists such as William Trotter. In 1895, when Washington called on African Americans  to concentrate on improving their communities instead of opposing discrimination and agitating for political rights, Du Bois praised Washington's speech. In 1903, however, Du Bois aligned himself with Trotter, Washington's militant opponent, less for ideological reasons than because Trotter had described to him Washington's efforts to silence those in the African American press who opposed Washington's positions.

Du Bois's wartime position thus reflected not a change in his long-term goals but rather a pragmatic response in the face of social pressures: government officials had threatened African American journalists with censorship if they voice grievances. Furthermore, Du Bois believed that African Americans' contributions to past war efforts had brought them some legal and political advances, Du Bois's accommodationism did not last, however. Upon learning of systematic discrimination experienced by African Americans in the military, he called on them to “return fighting” from the war.

The passage is primarily concerned with ...

In a 1918 editorial, W. E. B. Du Bois advised African Americans to stop agitating for equality and to proclaim their solidarity with White Americans for the duration of the First World War. The editorial surprised many African Americans who viewed Du Bois as an uncompromising African American leader and a chief opponent of the accommodationist tactics urged by Booker T. Washington. In fact, however, Du Bois often shifted positions along the continuum between Washington and confrontationists such as William Trotter. In 1895, when Washington called on African Americans  to concentrate on improving their communities instead of opposing discrimination and agitating for political rights, Du Bois praised Washington's speech. In 1903, however, Du Bois aligned himself with Trotter, Washington's militant opponent, less for ideological reasons than because Trotter had described to him Washington's efforts to silence those in the African American press who opposed Washington's positions.

Du Bois's wartime position thus reflected not a change in his long-term goals but rather a pragmatic response in the face of social pressures: government officials had threatened African American journalists with censorship if they voice grievances. Furthermore, Du Bois believed that African Americans' contributions to past war efforts had brought them some legal and political advances, Du Bois's accommodationism did not last, however. Upon learning of systematic discrimination experienced by African Americans in the military, he called on them to “return fighting” from the war.

The passage indicates which of the foIlowing about Du Bois's attitude toward Washington?

In a 1918 editorial, W. E. B. Du Bois advised African Americans to stop agitating for equality and to proclaim their solidarity with White Americans for the duration of the First World War. The editorial surprised many African Americans who viewed Du Bois as an uncompromising African American leader and a chief opponent of the accommodationist tactics urged by Booker T. Washington. In fact, however, Du Bois often shifted positions along the continuum between Washington and confrontationists such as William Trotter. In 1895, when Washington called on African Americans  to concentrate on improving their communities instead of opposing discrimination and agitating for political rights, Du Bois praised Washington's speech. In 1903, however, Du Bois aligned himself with Trotter, Washington's militant opponent, less for ideological reasons than because Trotter had described to him Washington's efforts to silence those in the African American press who opposed Washington's positions.

Du Bois's wartime position thus reflected not a change in his long-term goals but rather a pragmatic response in the face of social pressures: government officials had threatened African American journalists with censorship if they voice grievances. Furthermore, Du Bois believed that African Americans' contributions to past war efforts had brought them some legal and political advances, Du Bois's accommodationism did not last, however. Upon learning of systematic discrimination experienced by African Americans in the military, he called on them to “return fighting” from the war.

The passage suggests which of the following  about the contributions of African Americans to the United States war effort during the FirstWorld War?

In a 1918 editorial, W. E. B. Du Bois advised African Americans to stop agitating for equality and to proclaim their solidarity with White Americans for the duration of the First World War. The editorial surprised many African Americans who viewed Du Bois as an uncompromising African American leader and a chief opponent of the accommodationist tactics urged by Booker T. Washington. In fact, however, Du Bois often shifted positions along the continuum between Washington and confrontationists such as William Trotter. In 1895, when Washington called on African Americans  to concentrate on improving their communities instead of opposing discrimination and agitating for political rights, Du Bois praised Washington's speech. In 1903, however, Du Bois aligned himself with Trotter, Washington's militant opponent, less for ideological reasons than because Trotter had described to him Washington's efforts to silence those in the African American press who opposed Washington's positions.

Du Bois's wartime position thus reflected not a change in his long-term goals but rather a pragmatic response in the face of social pressures: government officials had threatened African American journalists with censorship if they voice grievances. Furthermore, Du Bois believed that African Americans' contributions to past war efforts had brought them some legal and political advances, Du Bois's accommodationism did not last, however. Upon learning of systematic discrimination experienced by African Americans in the military, he called on them to “return fighting” from the war.

The author of the passage refers to Washington's call to African Americans in 1895 primarily in order to ...

In a 1918 editorial, W. E. B. Du Bois advised African Americans to stop agitating for equality and to proclaim their solidarity with White Americans for the duration of the First World War. The editorial surprised many African Americans who viewed Du Bois as an uncompromising African American leader and a chief opponent of the accommodationist tactics urged by Booker T. Washington. In fact, however, Du Bois often shifted positions along the continuum between Washington and confrontationists such as William Trotter. In 1895, when Washington called on African Americans  to concentrate on improving their communities instead of opposing discrimination and agitating for political rights, Du Bois praised Washington's speech. In 1903, however, Du Bois aligned himself with Trotter, Washington's militant opponent, less for ideological reasons than because Trotter had described to him Washington's efforts to silence those in the African American press who opposed Washington's positions.

Du Bois's wartime position thus reflected not a change in his long-term goals but rather a pragmatic response in the face of social pressures: government officials had threatened African American journalists with censorship if they voice grievances. Furthermore, Du Bois believed that African Americans' contributions to past war efforts had brought them some legal and political advances, Du Bois's accommodationism did not last, however. Upon learning of systematic discrimination experienced by African Americans in the military, he called on them to “return fighting” from the war.

According to the passage, which of the foIlowing is true of the strategy that Du Bois's 1918 editorial urged African Americans to adoptduring the First World War?

This report presents the results of a study conducted for the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) to assess the effects of two programs that were implemented to reduce the incidence of aggressive driving. The programs were conducted by the Marion County Traffic Safety Partnership (Indianapolis, Indiana), and The Tucson, Arizona, Police Department.

Samples of vehicle speed, collected unobtrusively in the special enforcement zones, and crash incidence served as the primary measures of the programs' effect. The total number of crashes in the Marion County special enforcement zones increased by 32 percent, compared to the same six month period one year earlier; the number of those crashes with primary collision factors (PCFs) associated with aggressive driving increased by 41 percent. That is, the total number of crashes increased, but the crashes with aggressive driving PCFs increased at a greater rate. The change in proportion of crashes with the target PCFs provides a better measure than crash frequency because it eliminates the effects of changes in traffic volume and other factors that might have contributed to the overall increase in crash incidence.

In this regard, the Marion County zones experienced a six percent increase in the proportion of all crashes with aggressive driving PCFs, despite the extensive publicity and special enforcement efforts. The number of crashes in Tucson's special enforcement zones increased by ten percent, but the number of crashes with aggressive driving PCFs increased by less than one percent. More important, the proportion of all crashes with target PCFs decreased by eight percent. That is, crash incidence increased overall in Tucson's zones, but the proportion of those crashes with aggressive driving PCFs declined.

The original purpose of this report was to present, rather than compare, the two aggressive driving programs. However, comparisons are inevitable and the substantially different results of the two programs require an explanation. First, it is important to understand that it is impossible to control all of the variables that could influence the outcome of a study when conducting large-scale quasi-experiments, such as the programs described in this report. Highway maintenance projects and large residential developments that increase traffic volumes on surface streets are examples of Unexpected and uncontrolled variables that can affect dependent measures in a field study involving driver behavior. Every attempt was made to identify and control relevant variables within each program, but the research was not originally designed to support systematic comparisons between the two programs. Marion County, Indiana, and Tucson, Arizona, are different in many ways, and it Is possible that some of those differences could be responsible for the differential results reported here.         
What is the main idea of this passage?

This report presents the results of a study conducted for the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) to assess the effects of two programs that were implemented to reduce the incidence of aggressive driving. The programs were conducted by the Marion County Traffic Safety Partnership (Indianapolis, Indiana), and The Tucson, Arizona, Police Department.

Samples of vehicle speed, collected unobtrusively in the special enforcement zones, and crash incidence served as the primary measures of the programs' effect. The total number of crashes in the Marion County special enforcement zones increased by 32 percent, compared to the same six month period one year earlier; the number of those crashes with primary collision factors (PCFs) associated with aggressive driving increased by 41 percent. That is, the total number of crashes increased, but the crashes with aggressive driving PCFs increased at a greater rate. The change in proportion of crashes with the target PCFs provides a better measure than crash frequency because it eliminates the effects of changes in traffic volume and other factors that might have contributed to the overall increase in crash incidence.

In this regard, the Marion County zones experienced a six percent increase in the proportion of all crashes with aggressive driving PCFs, despite the extensive publicity and special enforcement efforts. The number of crashes in Tucson's special enforcement zones increased by ten percent, but the number of crashes with aggressive driving PCFs increased by less than one percent. More important, the proportion of all crashes with target PCFs decreased by eight percent. That is, crash incidence increased overall in Tucson's zones, but the proportion of those crashes with aggressive driving PCFs declined.

The original purpose of this report was to present, rather than compare, the two aggressive driving programs. However, comparisons are inevitable and the substantially different results of the two programs require an explanation. First, it is important to understand that it is impossible to control all of the variables that could influence the outcome of a study when conducting large-scale quasi-experiments, such as the programs described in this report. Highway maintenance projects and large residential developments that increase traffic volumes on surface streets are examples of Unexpected and uncontrolled variables that can affect dependent measures in a field study involving driver behavior. Every attempt was made to identify and control relevant variables within each program, but the research was not originally designed to support systematic comparisons between the two programs. Marion County, Indiana, and Tucson, Arizona, are different in many ways, and it Is possible that some of those differences could be responsible for the differential results reported here.         

What is of the primary purpose this passage?

This report presents the results of a study conducted for the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) to assess the effects of two programs that were implemented to reduce the incidence of aggressive driving. The programs were conducted by the Marion County Traffic Safety Partnership (Indianapolis, Indiana), and The Tucson, Arizona, Police Department.

Samples of vehicle speed, collected unobtrusively in the special enforcement zones, and crash incidence served as the primary measures of the programs' effect. The total number of crashes in the Marion County special enforcement zones increased by 32 percent, compared to the same six month period one year earlier; the number of those crashes with primary collision factors (PCFs) associated with aggressive driving increased by 41 percent. That is, the total number of crashes increased, but the crashes with aggressive driving PCFs increased at a greater rate. The change in proportion of crashes with the target PCFs provides a better measure than crash frequency because it eliminates the effects of changes in traffic volume and other factors that might have contributed to the overall increase in crash incidence.

In this regard, the Marion County zones experienced a six percent increase in the proportion of all crashes with aggressive driving PCFs, despite the extensive publicity and special enforcement efforts. The number of crashes in Tucson's special enforcement zones increased by ten percent, but the number of crashes with aggressive driving PCFs increased by less than one percent. More important, the proportion of all crashes with target PCFs decreased by eight percent. That is, crash incidence increased overall in Tucson's zones, but the proportion of those crashes with aggressive driving PCFs declined.

The original purpose of this report was to present, rather than compare, the two aggressive driving programs. However, comparisons are inevitable and the substantially different results of the two programs require an explanation. First, it is important to understand that it is impossible to control all of the variables that could influence the outcome of a study when conducting large-scale quasi-experiments, such as the programs described in this report. Highway maintenance projects and large residential developments that increase traffic volumes on surface streets are examples of Unexpected and uncontrolled variables that can affect dependent measures in a field study involving driver behavior. Every attempt was made to identify and control relevant variables within each program, but the research was not originally designed to support systematic comparisons between the two programs. Marion County, Indiana, and Tucson, Arizona, are different in many ways, and it Is possible that some of those differences could be responsible for the differential results reported here.         

What attitude is expressed by the author of this passage?